{"id":11503,"date":"2022-09-21T12:18:53","date_gmt":"2022-09-21T12:18:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/2022\/09\/tr1\/"},"modified":"2024-11-20T22:08:39","modified_gmt":"2024-11-20T19:08:39","slug":"peace-and-stability-in-turkeys-neighborhood-sinem-acikmese-ozgur-ozdamar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/2022\/09\/peace-and-stability-in-turkeys-neighborhood-sinem-acikmese-ozgur-ozdamar\/","title":{"rendered":"Peace and Stability in Turkey\u2019s Neighborhood- Sinem A\u00e7\u0131kme\u015fe- \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zdamar"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

DOI: 10.13140\/RG.2.2.26973.49123\/1<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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To download “pdf” version of this article, please click the “download” button<\/a>Download<\/a><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Global Threats and Opportunities <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recent\ndecades have been relatively unstable in world politics, especially since the\nend of the Cold War. Today’s world is going through significant transformations\nthat are difficult to make sense of for both the International Relations (IR) scholarly\ncommunity and policymakers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We\nshould now recognize that international politics is a moving, rather than a\nstable, target. The IR community did not realize this fact, and we do not entirely\nunderstand the transformation we are going through. We need to think\nproactively and prepare to forecast international developments and prevent political\ncatastrophes in our region and beyond. These platforms, such as this forum, are\ndesigned to achieve those aims. That is why this forum focuses on peace and\nstability in our region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Global\nchallenges are substantial, and they project real challenges to states, their\ncitizens and the global society. In the next few years, more people are likely\nto die from climate change and food crises than from bullets and conflict. One\nsuch perfect storm is caused by the COVID19 pandemic and the consequent\neconomic crisis with profound political implications. In the near future, political\nand financial problems, along with global food and energy issues, will dominate\nthe agenda. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Countries\nare not individually responsible for the upcoming series of crises, as they\ncannot provide adequate responses by themselves. A multilateral approach and\ninternational cooperation are essential to tackle today\u2019s global problems. We\nrecognize that the current global challenges require a significantly more\ncollective approach.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Grand Questions Concerning Global Politics <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

One\nof the most central issues in today\u2019s world politics is the global rivalry\nbetween the US and China. Many consider the rivalry between China and the US to\nbe the main fault line in world politics. Global implications of this\ncompetition have been discussed for more than two decades. Especially IR\nscholars have been focusing on the US-China rivalry since they think great\npower rivalry is one of the main drivers of world politics. Especially American\nand Chinese academics and policymakers focus on this subject and try to explain\nand predict the rivalry’s implications, ranging from Taiwan’s status to\nspillover effects in the MENA region, Africa, and South America. However, in\nthis part of the world (i.e., Turkey\u2019s neighbourhood and Europe), the US-China\nrivalry, or the rise of China, is still not considered a primary issue. Neither\nfor Europeans nor post-Soviet countries, China is the most critical topic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nevertheless,\nthis lack of interest in China and the US-China rivalry has begun to change\nrecently. For example, NATO official documents throughout 2022 include a\ncritical China discussion from a European perspective, even though Russia and\nterrorism continue to be seen as the main threat to Europe. We will see more\ndiscussions on China in upcoming NATO and EU strategic papers. In other words, although\nChina is not seen as a threat, from a Eurasian perspective, it is perceived as\na challenge. Eurasian countries do not want a new Cold War with China. Still,\nthey recognize the rise of China is a challenge (for differences in European\nand NATO attitudes towards China, see the latest Strategic Compass<\/a>\nand Strategic Concept<\/a>\ndocuments). Thus, it is imperative that, in the coming years, we will see more\nstrategy documents from Eurasian countries about China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On\nthe other hand, Western institutions will undoubtedly continue to discuss\nRussia as a direct threat to Eurasian stability and security. Russia\u2019s invasion\nof Ukraine holds a significant destabilizing effect, which unified the Western\nalliance in its condemnation of Russia and balancing against it. From that point\nforward, Europe needs a more coherent policy against the Russian threat to find\na precarious balance between preventing malicious Russian influence and\ncontaining Russian threats. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

There\nis also a prominent political dimension to this east-west conflict: the\nautocracy-democracy dichotomy. Admittedly, many east-west disputes have this autocracy-democracy\ndimension. The future of international society depends not only on power\ndistribution among great powers but also on the ongoing rivalry between democracies\nand autocracies such as Russia and China. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

We\nshould also consider that the autocracy-democracy issue may not be as black and\nwhite as some present it, but it is one of a continuum. Many states fall\nbetween fully democratic and autocratic regimes, and there are moves between\nthem. One significant challenge is what to do with the countries that fall in\nbetween, like Turkey or Hungary, or the ones that move the divide between\ndemocracy and autocracy. The main challenge would be how to treat these governments\nand incorporate these countries, so they do not shift to less democratic modes\nof government. How can we best achieve democratic goals by integrating these\ncountries into the current international system? Conflict with these countries\nbased on existing problems may push them towards more autocratic regimes.\nTherefore, the international community should follow a precarious balance when\ndealing with these states. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Responses to Challenges: Transforming Alliances<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

To\nface the current major political and security problems the world faces, most\nstates turn to multilateral schemes and try to establish alliances. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

As\nthe remaining superpower, the US wants to maintain the current balance of\npower. The US will likely engage in a double containment strategy vis-a-vis the\nother great powers. That is, the US policymakers perceive a very competitive\nworld politics and security environment, aiming to contain Russia and China at\nthe same time. The Biden Administration\u2019s return to a more active leadership\nrole in NATO and the US-EU cooperation against the Russian invasion of Ukraine\nseems to support the argument that there will be a west-east competition,\nsimilar to the one the world witnessed during the Cold War. The Russian\ninvasion of Ukraine has helped NATO and allies to get closer and resolve many\ndifferences in the face of the Russian military threat. However, the strength\nand unity of the Western alliance should also be monitored. There are\nsignificant doubts that Germany and France will continue to balance against\nRussia due to the invasion of Ukraine. A serious crack in the Western alliance,\nas an outcome of several factors, including Russian pressure on Europe, may\ngive Russia the political support it needs to continue with the Ukraine invasion\nand beyond.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nWest\u2019s balancing acts are reciprocated by Russia and China, which seem to cooperate\nagainst the US and Western influence in the world. These two states\u2019 joint\npolicy declarations in the last year appear to confirm the prediction that\nPutin and Xi work together to balance American and Western influence in the\nworld. Putin\u2019s visit to China right before the Ukraine invasion and their joint\ndeclaration seemed like a policy document confirming \u201can eastern alliance\u201d\nformed by Russia and China against the West. Other major powers also appear in\nworld politics, such as India, whose political inclinations are uncertain.\nIndia is becoming the fourth greatest military power in the world, with no\nclear sign of alliance with Western governments.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Observers\nare concerned that Russia\u2019s invasion of Crimea and, later, its attempt to\ninvade the rest of Ukraine may give China the necessary courage to move against\nTaiwan and achieve unification (Ukraine\nWar Quagmire Prompting China Rethink on Taiwan<\/em>, 2022). Chinese President Xi\nJinping declared that \u201cunification\u201d will be completed before 2049, in less than\nthree decades. Such annexations like Crimea by Russia pose dire consequences.\nThese annexations may lead to similar behaviour by other actors, such as Taiwan\nby China. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Responses to Challenges: International Organizations and\nMultilateralism <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nfuture of the international system is uncertain and subject to great debate\nrecently. The current liberal world order seems to be shaken by recent\nchallenges. It is fair to say that the current international regime does not\nseem as stable as it was half a century ago. Actors are breaking its principal\nrules, such as Russia invading Ukraine. Other revisionist actors pose strong\ncriticisms against the international regime and its rules.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some\nobservers think these criticisms are unfair: the current UN system aims to\nprevent system-transforming wars between great powers. In this sense, the\ncurrent international system established in 1945 has been successful since\nthere has not been a great power war since the end of World War II. International\nlaw and institutions have brought a new kind of stability to the system. The UN\nsystem has worked efficiently in terms of applying international law,\ninternational organizations, and diplomatic resolutions to problems since the\nend of World War II. But participants also recognize the insufficiencies, lack\nof democratic institutions, and representation in the current international regime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Relatedly,\nanother significant challenge is to discuss whether an international system\nbased on values can be created. There are clashing opinions on that. Some argue\nit is impossible to create a value-based system, given the narrow\nself-interests of all governments. Some argue we already live in a value-based system\nwhere members voluntarily bind themselves to international law and institutions.\nThe debate between the proponents of these views is not likely to end soon.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Unconventional Threats in World Politics<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Multiple\nunconventional threats threaten the global system, such as the COVID19\npandemic, economic crises, and the looming food shortages. How will these\ndevelopments affect world politics, its markets, and citizens? It seems that\nwith the war in Ukraine, we are fast approaching a food crisis, especially in\npoorer regions of the world. Many underprivileged countries will not be able to\nfeed their population, which will, in turn, have immense social, economic, and\npolitical consequences. China has been hoarding grain for about a year\n(Watanabe & Munakata, 2021). More than half of the grain in the world was\nbought by China in the last year. This may add to the food problem, and\nsignificant food shortages may bring catastrophic effects to the developing world\nand beyond.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Environmental\nproblems and climate change are also likely to have an all-encompassing effect\non world politics and societies. Climate change and its implications will be\nvery relevant, aggravating existing problems if not addressed adequately. The\nonly possible way to tackle these problems appears to be relying on\ninternational cooperation and institutions, though these institutions seem to\nbe failing more and more recently.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally,\ndomestic conflicts within major powers are likely to threaten global stability,\nsuch as those involving the Uyghurs in China and Muslims in India. These are\nalso likely to be sources of less conventional conflicts in the world. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Multi-Faceted Crises in the Middle East and North Africa <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nMiddle East and North Africa (MENA) have been influenced by social upheavals,\nrevolutions, wars, and crises in the last decade. It seems like there is a\nnever-ending crisis in the MENA region, which is neither closed nor isolated.\nEvery political incident taking place in the MENA has global as well as\nregional implications.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MENA\nconflicts are interconnected. There are shared underlying sources of these\nconflicts. External penetration of the region by major powers and regional\nactors prolongs the conflicts (for different examples, see Krieg, 2016; Lawson,\n2021). The fighters recycled from winding down conflicts appear to flame\nconflicts in other regions. Regional and global arms transfer to fighting sides\ncauses conflicts to become protracted. Moreover, these conflicts have spillover\neffects, destabilizing surrounding areas and beyond (Salloukh, 2017). For\nexample, the conflict in Libya has already spilt over to Sahel countries,\nAfghanistan and Pakistan in Asia and Europe in the form of terror attacks.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

There\nare some structural and non-structural variables to observe that will shape the\ndynamics of conflict in the MENA. Climate change is one of them. MENA is\nexceptionally sensitive to climate change because of a lack of fresh water for\nthe population; droughts, fires, and famine worsen yearly. Second is the\nfinancial outflow to warring groups in the region and whether more powerful\nactors will be able to supply resources to conflicting parties. In addition,\npoverty, economic hardship and lack of food sources are likely to feed\nrevolutionary trends. The situation of Kurds is a separate subject but very\ninfluential in MENA politics, holding potential for spillovers. These\nstructural factors, both conventional and unconventional, would shape stability\nin the region. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nresolution of these issues requires more diplomacy, mediation, and the inclusion\nof civil society. Great power politics, regional rivalries and regional great powers\u2019\nconflicting policies negatively influence MENA developments. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The situation in the North and European Order <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nEuropean security environment has changed significantly with the war in\nUkraine. A new security architecture is likely to emerge from the effects of\nthis conflict. The Russian invasion of Ukraine and challenges by the COVID19\npandemic have integrated and transformed Europe with its institutions,\nincluding the European Union and NATO. Western approaches and responses result\nfrom strategic necessities, which in return are transforming Europe. However,\nthere are discussions that Europe and the West are not as unified. Would there\nbe more unification, a step towards deeper integration? In the case of the EU\nor NATO, unanimity or decision-making structures constitute a limitation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On\nthe other hand, the EU acted immediately against Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine.\nThe Versailles Declaration proved itself as a founding document. Yet,\nmembership applications of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia pose significant new\nchallenges to the EU. In addition to the changing and challenging politics of\nthe EU, new applications for NATO membership, Sweden and Finland, will\ncontribute to the transformation of Europe. War in Ukraine contributed to the\nstrengthening of the European pillar of NATO. However, NATO-EU relations, and transatlantic\ncooperation, are a more complicated issue with the discussions on strategic\nautonomy and the EU\u2019s preparations for the Strategic Compass. In other words,\nrelations are not as one of a paragon as one would expect.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nStrategic Compass paper by the EU is a lengthy document. Weak references to\nTurkey constitute an important problem. A brief reference to NATO is not\nsatisfactory either. However, the good news is that the EU has finally\nidentified its capacity and the level of ambition in its international\nrelations and security domains with this document and will be responsible for\nsmall-range operations. This means the EU will still need NATO for strategic\npurposes for the foreseeable future. Besides these concerns on security, the\nnuclear issue also poses a critical challenge. NATO holds to its\ndeterrence-oriented nuclear position, assuring allied European states on\ntrusting the US nuclear umbrella against possible nuclear threats it mentions\nin the Strategic Concept. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally,\nit is recognized that climate change and electronic warfare pose challenges to\nstates that cannot be addressed adequately individually. NATO\u2019s Strategic\nConcept acknowledges that climate change not only threatens the welfare of the\nmembers but also can lead to conventional insecurities by exacerbating\nconflicts or feeding into their causes. Similarly, the EU recognizes the direct\nand indirect challenges climate change can pose and calls for multilateral\ncooperation. In addition, while conscious of the rivalries China can lead to,\nit recognizes the value attached to cooperating with China on such a global\nproblem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As\nfor cyber security, both NATO and the EU recognize the threats posed to their members\nby state and non-state actors and call for cooperation in this realm. While\nChina is seen as a direct threat in the NATO document and the Strategic\nCompass, it seems the EU pursues a more positive stance towards accepting the\nChinese capabilities and in dialogue. However, despite their different perspectives\nvis-a-vis Chinese cyber capabilities, the EU also calls for cooperating with\nNATO in the realm of cyber security. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recommendations\n<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nconference participants concluded that multilateralism, in general, holds the\npotential to improve several of the problems the region suffers. In addition to\nsecurity threats from armed actors, threats from climate change and refugee\nissues can be better addressed through multilateral cooperation within the frameworks\nof global and regional international organizations. Many security and economic\nthreats can be tackled with the existing frameworks such as the EU, NATO and\nBSEC. To achieve these aims, common threats must be met with strength and\nexisting membership in these organizations must be preserved and expanded as\nnecessary. While the EU and NATO will lead these efforts, some specific actors,\nsuch as Ukraine, Poland, Romania, and Turkey, are considered essential as global\nplayers or international institutions since they face direct security threats\nand other regional concerns. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

It\nseems that the Black Sea region will continue to focus on the rivalry between\nEast and West and between democracies and autocracies. Thus, Western allies\nshould find ways to protect themselves against Russia\u2019s use of energy resources\nas a threat. 2022-2023 winter will be an interesting test case for Europe to\ndetermine whether it is possible to decrease dependency on Russian oil and gas.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Like-minded\nstates in the West should also recognize the challenges in explaining to their public\nthat the difficulties experienced by war in Ukraine are justified and should be\nseen as an investment for a free future. More trust in the democratic system\nmust be restored through economic development and security provisions for\npopulations. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

New\nthreats such as disinformation and its harmful effects on democracy must be\nrecognized (Kornbluh et al., 2020). Also, it should be accepted that policies\nagainst disinformation can be conducted better when done multilaterally. As\nrecognized by NATO\u2019s Strategic Concept, interference in domestic affairs by\nother states poses the risk of causing a democratic deficit in the allied\ncountries. Such threats, too, would be better addressed if the actors pool\ntheir resources. Indeed, given that most anti-democratic groups favour the\nin-group vs out-group dimensions, cooperation among states would present an\nobstacle against the appeal of such narratives in the first place. To sum up our\npoints, we argue that multilateralism holds the potential to address several of\nthe domestic, transnational, and international problems regional states\ncurrently suffer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

References<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kornbluh, K., E. P. Goodman, E. Weiner (2020). Safeguarding Democracy Against\nDisinformation<\/em>. The German Marshall Fund of the United States.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Krieg, A. (2016). \u201cExternalizing the burden of war: The\nObama Doctrine and US foreign policy in the Middle East\u201d. International Affairs<\/em>, 92(1):\n97\u2013113.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lawson, F. H. (2021). \u201cWhy foreign military interventions\nprolong civil wars: Lessons from Yemen\u201d. International\nPolitics<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Salloukh, B. F. (2017). \u201cThe Syrian War: Spillover Effects\non Lebanon\u201d. Middle East Policy<\/em>, 24(1), 62\u201378.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Council of the European Union\n(2022). Strategic Compass<\/em>. https:\/\/www.eeas.europa.eu\/sites\/default\/files\/documents\/strategic_compass_en3_web.pdf<\/a> (Last\naccessed September 19 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

NATO (2002). Strategic Concept<\/em>. https:\/\/www.nato.int\/nato_static_fl2014\/assets\/pdf\/2022\/6\/pdf\/290622-strategic-concept.pdf<\/a> (Last accessed September 19 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cUkraine war quagmire prompting\nChina to rethink Taiwan: CIA chief\u201d, AlJazeera<\/em>, 21 July 22022, https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/news\/2022\/7\/21\/ukraine-quagmire-prompting-china-rethink-on-taiwan-cia-chief<\/a> (Last accessed September 19 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Watanabe, S., and A. Munakata (2021). \u201cChina hoards over half the world\u2019s grain,\npushing global prices\u201d. Nikkei Asia, <\/em>23 December, https:\/\/asia.nikkei.com\/Spotlight\/Datawatch\/China-hoards-over-half-the-world-s-grain-pushing-up-global-prices<\/a> (Last accessed September 19 2022).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Sinem Akg\u00fcl A\u00e7\u0131kme\u015fe, Prof. Dr., Kadir Has University<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sinem Akg\u00fcl A\u00e7\u0131kme\u015fe is a Professor of International Relations and Jean Monnet Chair holder on Hybrid Threats in the EU at Kadir Has University (KHAS).She holds a BA in International Relations as well as an MA in European Union-International Relations from Ankara University. She studied at the European Institute of London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) for her MSc degree in European Studies. She has completed her PhD in European Studies-International Relations at Ankara University (2008). She was a Jean Monnet fellow at LSE, Turkish Academy of Sciences fellow and visiting PhD student at London School of Economics, Sasakawa Young Leaders fellow, visiting scholar to IGCC-University of California-San Diego as a US Department of State Fellow, Black Sea Young Reformers fellow, visiting researcher at Stellenbosch University, visiting scholar at Harvard University (2017) in support of her research on Security Studies, EU foreign and neighbourhood policies specifically from a security perspective, European integration, enlargement and Turkey-EU relations. Prof. A\u00e7\u0131kme\u015fe has a teaching experience of about 20 years, at various institutions including Ankara University and TOBB-University of Economics and Technology on a full-time capacity before she joined KHAS in 2011. She is currently the associate editor of European Review of International Studies,Governing Board Member as well as the Secretary-General of the International Relations Council of Turkey (IRCT) and served as a Member of the Governing Council of the International Studies Association (ISA) (2018-2020). She has coordinated and took part in several international research and exchange projects including EU-FP7 Marie-Curie Actions, Erasmus+ Strategic Partnerships and Jean Monnet Actions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Assoc. Prof. \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zdamar, Bilkent University<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

He is a faculty member and head of the Department of International Relations at Bilkent University. Dr. \u00d6zdamar’s articles have been published in journals such as the European Journal of IR, Foreign Policy Analysis, International Studies Review, Political Research Quarterly. Dr. \u00d6zdamar’s last co-authored book, “Role Theory in the Middle East and North Africa”, was published by Routledge publishing house in 2019. \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zdamar spent the 2018-2019 academic year at SAIS-Johns Hopkins as a Fulbright researcher and conducted a project on Turkey-US relations. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

To cite this work :<\/strong> Sinem A\u00e7\u0131kme\u015fe & \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zdamar \u201c Peace and Stability in Turkey\u2019s Neighborhood \u201d, Panorama<\/em>, Online , 21 September 2022, https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/blog\/2022\/09\/21\/tr1\/ <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

This article summarizes and synthesizes debates and results from a Global Leadership Forum workshop titled \u201cPeace and Stability in the Neighborhood\u201d, which took place at Zifin Hotel in Giresun-Turkey, 10-12 June 2022, co-organized by GlobalAcademy and the School of Government and Leadership of Bah\u00e7e\u015fehir University. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Copyright@UIKPanorama. All on-line and print rights reserved. Opinions expressed in works published by the Panorama<\/em> belongs to the authors alone unless otherwise stated, and do not imply endorsement by the IRCT, Global Academy, or the Editors\/Editorial Board of Panorama. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

DOI: 10.13140\/RG.2.2.26973.49123\/1 Global Threats and Opportunities Recent decades have been relatively unstable in world politics, especially since the end of the Cold War. Today’s world is going through significant transformations that are difficult to make sense of for both the International Relations (IR) scholarly community and policymakers. We should now recognize that international politics is […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":175,"featured_media":9259,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[497,498,508],"tags":[656,590,594,632,650],"class_list":["post-11503","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-essay","category-regions","category-turkey","tag-english","tag-neighbourhood","tag-peace","tag-stability","tag-turkiye"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11503","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/175"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11503"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11503\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9259"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11503"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11503"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.globalpanorama.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11503"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}